{"id":192,"date":"2017-04-07T09:35:14","date_gmt":"2017-04-07T09:35:14","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/?p=192"},"modified":"2017-04-07T09:36:52","modified_gmt":"2017-04-07T09:36:52","slug":"comment-by-ronald-cameron","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/?p=192","title":{"rendered":"Comment by Ronald Cameron"},"content":{"rendered":"

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Comment by Ronald Cameron
\n(<\/strong>English<\/em><\/strong>,\u00a0Fran\u00e7ais)<\/em><\/strong><\/h3>\n

The WSF 2016 in Montreal: the need to renew the WSFs process<\/strong><\/h3>\n

Looking back at the results and importance of the WSF 2016 in Montreal, the author argues that the renewal of the WSFs process requires more political action, beyond the establishment of inclusive spaces<\/p>\n

The project to move the World Social Forum (WSF) into a northern country motivated its holding in Canada. Also, given the climate in January at the time of the World Economic Forum in Davos, it was held in August in 2016, seven months later than usual. This is what makes Alessio Surian (2017) say that the WSF of Montreal was only the aspect of the mobilization of the base of movements, demarcating the more institutional mobilization, whereas WSFs are usually held in January in the South<\/p>\n

Many hopes have been put into mobilizing the unorganized. The challenge of participation was thought to be met by the spontaneous presence of tens of thousands of citizens. The involvement and role of social organizations and movements were thus less valued. The nature of the host country and the political context, however, were major obstacles on which the organizing committee had little control.<\/p>\n

The fact of being summer season ended up having an impact on local participation. Like many national and international participants, we observed by far the lowest presence of all similar gatherings. In fact, the figure of 15,000 people is probably the maximum reached at the level of participation, instead of the 35,000 announced in the Collective’s assessment. From this point of view, the Montreal WSF did not have the impact that could be expected.<\/p>\n

The importance of the Montreal WSF<\/strong><\/p>\n

However, we can not judge the event by trying to compare it, in its results, with the previous editions of the WSFs. Its holding was crucial to avoid a greater dispersion that would be critical for the future of the process. In particular, it helped to eliminate the hypothesis of burial of WSFs which had been circulating for some time within the networks. It has also succeeded in mobilizing a diversity of civil society organizations in Quebec, as well as activists from all regions of the world. It has again demonstrated the importance of the establishment of inclusive spaces, as a factor of reinforcement of the movements’ resistance.<\/p>\n

Thus, the Montreal WSF also highlighted the limits and difficulties of the process, fifteen years after the first gathering in Brazil. The Montreal WSF was a relay in a long way to rebuild the WSFs, which continued in Porto Alegre in January 2017. In short, the importance of the WSF in Montreal lies much more in what it reveals to us about the state of the alterglobalist movement than in its immediate results.<\/p>\n

If the idea of setting up “sharing spaces” is a necessary condition for the development of “another possible world”, the WSF in Montreal tends to show that it is not enough to adequately respond to the economic situation which is currently developing on the planet.<\/p>\n

The demands of the new situation<\/strong><\/p>\n

The first WSF was born in a context of rising social struggles in Brazil and with the popular support mobilized for the Workers’ Party. There was a desire to export energy from local mobilizations at the global level. At the same time, the international context required a broad unified response in order to propose an alternative to neo-liberal globalization ten years after the fall of the Berlin Wall. Today, the context is no longer the same.<\/p>\n

The questioning of democratic reforms in Latin America, the rise of extreme rights in Europe, the increase of austerity policies all over the world and the recent election of Donald Trump require a more daring political response. Without sacrificing the political independence of the movement and its inclusiveness, several trails for renewal were announced in December. To go beyond the one dimension of sharing experiences, to encourage the renewal of the process and to reinforce the relevance and the scope of the event.<\/p>\n

Popular education and the future of the WSFs process<\/strong><\/p>\n

The movement for the right to education for all is a founding movement of the WSFs process. Today, with the demands for renewal imposed by the political context on the alterglobalist movement, the movement for the right to education can participate in the debate on the future of WSFs, notably based on the advances made in popular education .<\/p>\n

According to the Charter of Principles, a WSF creates open and inclusive spaces on key themes for the development of another possible world. The movement for the right to education for all shares this methodological approach to “bottom-up” pedagogy, but goes further and puts forward an emancipatory action of social transformation.<\/p>\n

The education dimension remains essential to the development of the objectives of social justice and sustainable development, but the future of education depends on its assumption by all the components of civil society. The movement for the right to education must maintain its commitment to the WSF processes, in the broadest alliance with the most important movements.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Commentaire de Ronald Cameron<\/strong><\/p>\n

Le FSM 2016 de Montr\u00e9al: la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de renouveler le processus des FSM<\/strong><\/p>\n

En revenant sur les r\u00e9sultats et l’importance du FSM 2016 de Montr\u00e9al, l’auteur soutient que le renouvellement du processus des FSM exige une action politique plus marqu\u00e9e, au-del\u00e0 de la mise en place des espaces inclusifs<\/em><\/p>\n

D<\/em>e projet de d\u00e9placer le Forum social mondial (FSM) dans un pays du Nord a motiv\u00e9 sa tenue au Canada. Aussi, \u00e9tant donn\u00e9 le climat en janvier au moment de la tenue du Forum \u00e9conomique mondial de Davos, il s’est tenu au mois d’ao\u00fbt en 2016, sept mois plus tard qu’\u00e0 l’habitude. C’est ce qui fait dire d’ailleurs \u00e0 Alessio Surian (2017) que le FSM de Montr\u00e9al se r\u00e9sumait au seul aspect de la mobilisation de la base des mouvements, en d\u00e9marcation de la mobilisation plus institutionnelle, alors que les FSM habituellement se tiennent en janvier dans le Sud.<\/p>\n

Beaucoup d’espoirs ont \u00e9t\u00e9 mis dans la mobilisation des non organis\u00e9s. On pensait relever le d\u00e9fi de la participation par la pr\u00e9sence spontan\u00e9e de dizaines de milliers de citoyennes et de citoyens. L’implication et le r\u00f4le des organisations et des mouvements sociaux furent ainsi moins valoris\u00e9s. La nature du pays h\u00f4te et le contexte politique ont toutefois constitu\u00e9 des obstacles majeurs, sur lesquels le comit\u00e9 organisateur avait peu de prise.<\/p>\n

La p\u00e9riode de l’\u00e9t\u00e9 a fini par avoir un impact sur la participation locale. \u00c0 l’instar de plusieurs participants nationaux et internationaux, on constate une pr\u00e9sence de loin la plus faible de tous les rassemblements semblables. En fait, le chiffre de 15 000 personnes est probablement le maximum atteint au niveau de la participation, au lieu des 35 000 annonc\u00e9s dans le bilan du Collectif. De ce point de vue, le FSM de Montr\u00e9al n’a pas eu l’impact qu’on pouvait esp\u00e9rer.<\/p>\n

L’importance du FSM de Montr\u00e9al<\/strong><\/p>\n

N\u00e9anmoins, on ne peut juger de l\u2019\u00e9v\u00e9nement en tentant de le rapprocher, dans ses r\u00e9sultats, aux pr\u00e9c\u00e9dentes \u00e9ditions des FSM. Sa tenue fut cruciale pour \u00e9viter une plus grande dispersion qui s’annon\u00e7ait critique pour l’avenir du processus. Il a notamment contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 \u00e9carter l\u2019hypoth\u00e8se d\u2019enterrement des FSM qui circulait depuis quelque temps au sein des r\u00e9seaux. Il a aussi r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 mobiliser une diversit\u00e9 d’organisations de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile du Qu\u00e9bec, ainsi que des militantes et des militants de toutes les r\u00e9gions de la plan\u00e8te. Il a d\u00e9montr\u00e9 \u00e0 nouveau l’importance de la mise en place d’espaces inclusifs, comme facteur de renforcement de la r\u00e9sistance des mouvements.<\/p>\n

Ainsi, le FSM de Montr\u00e9al a aussi mis en relief les limites et les difficult\u00e9s du processus, quinze ans apr\u00e8s le premier rassemblement au Br\u00e9sil. Le FSM de Montr\u00e9al a constitu\u00e9 un relais dans une longue marche de reconstruction des FSM, qui s’est poursuivie notamment \u00e0 Porto Alegre en janvier 2017. Bref, l’importance du FSM de Montr\u00e9al se situe beaucoup plus dans ce qu’il nous r\u00e9v\u00e8le de l’\u00e9tat des lieux du mouvement altermondialiste, que dans ses r\u00e9sultats imm\u00e9diats.<\/p>\n

Si l’id\u00e9e de mettre en place des espaces de partage (\u00ab sharing spaces<\/em> \u00bb) est une condition n\u00e9cessaire au d\u00e9veloppement d’un \u00ab autre monde possible \u00bb, le FSM de Montr\u00e9al tend \u00e0 d\u00e9montrer que \u00e7a demeure insuffisant pour r\u00e9pondre ad\u00e9quatement \u00e0 la conjoncture politique qui se d\u00e9veloppe actuellement sur la plan\u00e8te.<\/p>\n

Les exigences de la nouvelle conjoncture<\/strong><\/p>\n

Le premier FSM est n\u00e9 dans un contexte de mont\u00e9e des luttes sociales au Br\u00e9sil et avec l\u2019appui populaire qui se mobilisait pour le Parti des travailleurs. Il existait une volont\u00e9 d’exporter l\u2019\u00e9nergie des mobilisations locales au niveau mondial. Parall\u00e8lement, le contexte international exigeait une r\u00e9ponse unifi\u00e9e la plus large en vue de proposer une alternative \u00e0 la mondialisation n\u00e9olib\u00e9rale, dix ans apr\u00e8s la chute du mur de Berlin. Aujourd’hui, le contexte n’est plus le m\u00eame.<\/p>\n

Les remises en question des r\u00e9formes d\u00e9mocratiques en Am\u00e9rique latine, la mont\u00e9e des droites extr\u00eames en Europe, l’accentuation des politiques d’aust\u00e9rit\u00e9 un peu partout sur la plan\u00e8te et l’\u00e9lection r\u00e9cente de Donald Trump exigent une r\u00e9ponse politique plus audacieuse. Sans sacrifier l’ind\u00e9pendance politique du mouvement et son caract\u00e8re inclusif, plusieurs pistes en vue de permettre un renouvellement furent annonc\u00e9es au cours en d\u00e9cembre dernier. Aller au-del\u00e0 de la seule dimension de partage d’exp\u00e9riences, favoriser le renouvellement du processus et renforcer la pertinence et la port\u00e9e de l’\u00e9v\u00e9nement.<\/p>\n

L’\u00e9ducation populaire et l’avenir du processus des FSM<\/strong><\/p>\n

Le mouvement pour le droit \u00e0 l’\u00e9ducation pour toutes et tous est un mouvement fondateur du processus des FSM. Aujourd’hui, avec les exigences de renouvellement qu’impose la conjoncture politique au mouvement altermondialiste, le mouvement pour le droit \u00e0 l’\u00e9ducation peut participer au d\u00e9bat concernant l’avenir des FSM en s’appuyant notamment sur les avanc\u00e9es r\u00e9alis\u00e9es en \u00e9ducation populaire.<\/p>\n

Suivant la Charte des principes, un FSM met en place des espaces ouverts et inclusifs sur des th\u00e9matiques cl\u00e9s au d\u00e9veloppement d’un autre monde possible. Le mouvement pour le droit \u00e0 l’\u00e9ducation pour toutes et tous partage cette approche m\u00e9thodologique de la p\u00e9dagogie \u00ab bottom up \u00bb, mais va plus loin, et mets de l’avant une action \u00e9mancipatrice de transformation sociale.<\/p>\n

La dimension \u00e9ducation demeure essentielle au d\u00e9veloppement des objectifs de justice sociale et de d\u00e9veloppement durable, mais l’avenir de l’\u00e9ducation passe par sa prise en charge par l’ensemble des composantes de la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 civile. Le mouvement pour le droit \u00e0 l’\u00e9ducation doit maintenir son engagement dans les processus du FSM, en alliance la plus large avec les mouvements les plus importants.<\/p>\n

\n

These are the links to the AED 83\/2016 publication in three languages:
\nEnglish<\/a>
\nFran\u00e7ais<\/a>
\nEspa\u00f1ol<\/a>
\nEstos son los links para acceder a la publicaci\u00f3n en tres idiomas:
\nIngl\u00e9s<\/a>
\nFranc\u00e9s<\/a>
\nEspa\u00f1ol<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Voici les liens vers la publication en trois langues:
\nAnglais\u00a0<\/a>
\nFran\u00e7ais<\/a>
\nEspagnol<\/a><\/p>\n

Follow the ICAE Virtual Seminar also\u00a0here<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Para espa\u00f1ol favor usar\u00a0google translator\u00a0<\/a>en los casos en que el art\u00edculo no est\u00e1 traducido al espa\u00f1ol<\/em><\/strong>
\nVeuillez utiliser\u00a0google translator<\/a>\u00a0pour traduire les articles qui ne sont pas en fran\u00e7ais<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Comment by Ronald Cameron (English,\u00a0Fran\u00e7ais) The WSF 2016 in Montreal: the need to renew the WSFs process Looking back at the results and importance of the WSF 2016 in Montreal, the author argues that the renewal of the WSFs process<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":193,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2],"tags":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/192"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcomments&post=192"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/192\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":195,"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/posts\/192\/revisions\/195"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=\/wp\/v2\/media\/193"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fmedia&parent=192"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Fcategories&post=192"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/virtualseminar.icae.global\/index.php?rest_route=%2Fwp%2Fv2%2Ftags&post=192"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}